By Georges Perrot, Charles Chipiez, Walter Armstrong
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Additional info for A history of art in ancient Egypt
This inference can be restated in terms of practice theory and our model, which has evolved since that time. The field or cadena is the set of people from the village of Guina-ang, Kalinga relatives or friends who might visit from other villages, and even more distant nonKalinga visitors to their house including ethnoarchaeologists. The Kalinga economy at the time was almost completely dependent on subsistence agriculture and there were relatively few overt differences in economic capital. Yet, even within this relative economic equality there were some differences in household wealth measured in terms of number of rice fields, ownership of animals, and house size (Trostel 1994).
Pottery is less portable and more prone to breakage than other containers such as baskets and skins. Although this may seem to be a logical reason for the lack of pottery among mobile peoples, in practice it may have been only a minor impediment (see also Arnold 1999b). , Holmberg 1969; McGee 1971; Sapir 1923), and sedentary people often transport their pottery over long distances (Arnold 1985:111). A more important reason behind the correlation between pottery and sedentism is that pottery making is a technology that takes some investment (Arnold 1985).
All of archaeology and, in fact, all of science rest upon equally contestable assumptions. Indeed, it could be argued that the belief that traditional societies depend on different logics and that social and ideological factors dominate technological decision-making reflects the western colonialist view that “the other” is qualitatively different from us. A more productive strategy is followed by a number of researchers who are attempting to “do” agency and practice theory with archaeological data.
A history of art in ancient Egypt by Georges Perrot, Charles Chipiez, Walter Armstrong