By Laurajane Smith
This arguable publication is a survey of the way relationships among indigenous peoples and the archaeological institution have gotten into trouble, and an important pointer to how one can movement ahead from this point.
With lucid value determinations of key debates resembling NAGPRA, Kennewick and the repatriation of Tasmanian artefacts, Laurajane Smith dissects the character and results of this conflict of cultures.
Smith explores how indigenous groups within the united states and Australia have faced the pre-eminence of archaeological conception and discourse within the means the cloth is still in their previous are cared for and regulated, and the way this has challenged conventional archaeological concept and practice.
Essential analyzing for all these all for constructing a simply and equivalent discussion among the 2 events, and the function of archaeology within the learn and administration in their heritage.
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Additional info for Archaeological Theory and the Politics of Cultural Heritage
For archaeology, it is to risk losing access or control over data and knowledge of the past; for Indigenous peoples it risks further alienation from their cultural knowledge and traditions. In Australia, this situation is exacerbated by the contradictory situation created by the Australian Archaeological Association code of ethics on the one hand, and adherence to processual theoretical concerns on the other. The Australian Archaeological Association code of ethics recognizes the priority of Indigenous access to the data of archaeology and encourages Indigenous participation in the generation of research questions and practices (AAA 1991).
In the southeastern states of Australia, these mythologies were particularly persistent and Aboriginal people in these regions were held to have either died out completely or ‘lost’ their culture entirely (Ryan 1981; Broome 1995; Goodall 1996). A related and significant mythology based on ideas of primitiveness in America was the Moundbuilder myth. This denied that earthworks in the Ohio and Mississippi regions were part of the heritage of local Indian communities (McGuire 1998: 69). Instead, these were seen as evidence of earlier ‘civilized’, probably ‘white’, groups that had been displaced by barbarians 18 T H E C U LT U R A L P O L I T I C S O F I D E N T I T Y and thus colonists were morally right to seize land in this region by continuing not only a tradition, but by revenging lost civilizations (Hinsely 2000).
The American Civil Rights Movement added a further dimension to Indian activism, and ‘fish-ins’, protests over fishing rights in the northwest, began to occur in the early 1960s (Nagel 1997: 161). However, as in Australia, Indigenous Americans perceived that issues such as treaty rights, sovereignty and land rights could become subsumed within the wider civil rights movements and a distinct Indian political movement developed in the late 1960s (see Nagel 1997; Deloria and Lytle 1998). In 1969, the San Francisco Bay Area’s Indians of All Tribes occupied Alcatraz Island and a land claim was made (Smith and Warrior 1996).
Archaeological Theory and the Politics of Cultural Heritage by Laurajane Smith